Navigating the Future: UNHCR Strategies in Addressing the Rohingya Refugees Crisis in Indonesia
Hundreds of Rohingyas have landed on the coast of Weh Island, Sabang, Aceh. They landed at Batu Hitam Beach, Jurong Keuramat, Gampong Ie Meule. They consisted of adults and children, both men and women. These Rohingyas want to be treated as refugees even though according to the Immigration Act, their presence is illegal as they did not use valid travel documents and did not enter through immigration checkpoints. The Acehnese people around the coast are also busy rejecting the presence of the Rohingyas and asking them to return to their place of origin in Myanmar. The wave of Rohingya arrivals to Indonesia through Aceh began in 2015. In the first wave of arrivals, they received assistance from Acehnese fishermen. The Rohingyas seek a livelihood in Indonesia and some of them often lead to social conflicts with the people of Aceh and Indonesia in general. Before coming to Indonesia, they targeted Malaysia as a place to earn a better living. In Malaysia, the Rohingya migrants were able to find work because a number of Malaysian companies needed manual laborers with competitive salaries. However, the Malaysian people and government have not wanted the Rohingya migrants from Myanmar to come for the past few years. The reason is that the Rohingyas often create social conflicts with local residents and criminal acts committed by some of the Rohingyas. However, the Malaysian people and government have not wanted the Rohingya migrants from Myanmar to come for the past few years. The reason is that the Rohingyas often create social conflicts with local residents and criminal acts committed by some of the Rohingyas. Actually, the presence of Rohingyas is not Indonesia’s business. Indonesia should not treat the Rohingya as refugees since it is not a party to the 1951 Refugees Convention. If the Rohingyas are to be treated as refugees, this is a matter for UNHCR, and Indonesia should only assist wherever possible given that the Rohingyas are currently in Indonesia. The extent of Indonesia’s assistance is stipulated in Presidential Regulation No. 125/2016 on the Handling of Refugees from Abroad. Introduction Fleeing from ethnic persecution committed by the Myanmar military junta and local Buddhist extremists in the Rakhine State, thousands of Muslim Rohingya traversed hundreds of kilometers of dense forests and embarked on perilous voyages across the Bay of Bengal to seek refuge in Bangladesh. Currently, over 960,000 individuals have sought refuge in Bangladesh, with the majority residing in Cox’s Bazar, the site of the largest refugee camp globally (Rohingya Refugee Crisis Explained, n.d.). Facing uncertainty about their future in Cox’s Bazar, thousands of them have risked their lives to cross vast, treacherous seas in crowded, dilapidated boats with the hope of resettling in another country. They are willing to take such a risk, hoping to join many of their undocumented community members in economically developed neighbouring countries, notably Malaysia (MMC, 2021) . Over the last decade, waves of Rohingya boat people have managed to reach the coastal shores of Aceh, a province of Indonesia located in the northern tip of the Malacca Straits. Initially, the Acehnese and provincial government accepted and welcomed the arrival of the Rohingya refugees, believing that these refugees would only stay in the country temporarily. UNHCR said that since November 2023, 1.200 Rohingya have landed in Aceh. UNHCR noted that the total number of refugees in Aceh so far has reached 1.608, including 140 people who stayed in the past year (BBC, 2024). The facilities and assistance provided by the Indonesian government to Rohingya refugees in Aceh are shelter, food assistance, health care, clean water assistance, sanitation, psychosocial support, and other basic assistance (Darnela and Nugroho, 2017). With this, Rohingya refugees are greatly helped to fulfill their needs. Although the Indonesian government will still prioritize the interests of the local community (Kompas, 2023). Nonetheless, the presence of Rohingya refugees currently triggers intense debate among the Indonesians. The arrival of Rohingya refugees in Aceh was rejected by the people of Aceh. The people of Aceh have their own reasons for refusing to give refuge to the Rohingya immigrants. The reason is that Rohingya migrants are said to give a bad impression to the community. Rohingya refugees give the impression of bad behaviour and actions and are not in accordance with the customs and norms of village regulations. In addition, they are also unable to maintain cleanliness and do not heed Islamic law and customs among the community. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Indonesia does not have a regulatory obligation to accommodate refugees. This was done on humanitarian grounds (Rahayu, Anam, and Dewanto, 2023). Significant numbers of Acehnese refuse to accept these refugees, claiming that they often cause trouble. Many of these refugees were embroiled in petty theft, throwing people’s aid into the sea, leaving refugee camps, disobeying local community norms and customs, and abusing underage children (Tusriyanto et al, 2023). UNHCR has predicted that a wave of Rohingya refugees will soon enter Indonesian waters. There are several actions that UNHCR has taken so far in dealing with Rohingya refugees in Indonesia. Apart from fulfilling humanitarian needs, they also provide protection to the people from Myanmar. Many Rohingya refugees need food, water, shelter, education and health assistance. UNHCR also plays a role in facing challenges in the form of potential friction between refugees and the people in Indonesia. UNHCR also registers refugees, provides protection and legal assistance, and prevents gender-based violence. In addition, UNHCR also ensures the provision of adequate shelter, health care and sanitation, supports education and skills development, finds livelihood opportunities, and distributes aid. They claim to be involved in several dialogs to ensure a voluntary and safe return process. UNHCR plays a role in monitoring and finding solutions to problems, in addition to being an initiator, facilitator, and determinant. This is the role that UNHCR plays in handling refugees in Indonesia. UNHCR’s Compassionate Response to the Rohingya Refugees Crisis The UNHCR and its partners are currently providing active assistance in addressing the humanitarian and protection requirements of Rohingya
Logika di Balik Perang Total Israel ke Gaza
Pembantaian Zionis Israel sejak 7 Oktober 2023 telah membunuh hampir tiga puluh ribu warga Gaza yang tak berdaya dan tak bersenjata. Hampir setengah yang tewas itu dari kalangan anak – anak dan Sebagian besarnya adalah warga sipil. Rumah – rumah, tempat ibadah, tempat pengungsian, dan fasilitas publik yang lain juga rata oleh serangan – serangan rudal Israel. Ada harapan saat terjadinya gencatan senjata di mana antara kedua belah pihak saling tukar menukar tawanan dan bantuan – bantuan masuk ke Gaza 24 – 30 November 2023. Namun, Israel melakukan serangan intensif kembali saat gencatan senjata berakhir baik melalui udara maupun darat. Serangan Israel belum memperlihatkan tanda – tanda berhenti meskipun kecaman dari banyak negara, gerakan sipil dan tokoh sudah banyak diperlihatkan. Afrika Selatan juga sudah mengajukan awal tahun 2024 ke Pengadilan Internasional (International Court of Justice) untuk memperkarakan Israel sebagai pelaku pelanggaran Genosida di Gaza (Corder, 2024). Pemerintah Zionis Israel telah berulang kali mengutarakan bahwa perang ini harus berakhir dengan hancurnya Hamas sehingga kelompok ini tidak punya kekuatan lagi yang bisa meneror Israel meskipun harus memakan waktu berbulan – bulan (NHK World, 2023). Yoav Gallant, Menteri Pertahanan Israel mengungkapkan “ “Hamas is a terrorist organization that built itself over a decade to fight Israel, and they built infrastructure under the ground and above the ground and it is not easy to destroy them,”… “It will require a period of time — it will last more than several months, but we will win and we will destroy them.”(Fabian & Staff, 2023). Saat terjadi gencatan senjata, Gallant menegaskan Kembali “There will be a short pause and then we will continue operating with full military power. We will not stop until we achieve our goals: the destruction of Hamas and bringing home the hostages from Gaza to Israel” (Reuters, 2023). Israel juga sudah mendesain rencana pemerintahan pasca perang di Gaza yaitu tidak akan ada lagi HAMAS di situ dan Israel yang akan mengontrol Gaza serta akan melakukan operasi pembersihan terhadap segala ancaman di Gaza terhadap Israel dalam berbagai bentuknya (Al Jazeera, 2024). Bukan hanya Israel tapi Amerika Serikat untuk pertama kalinya sejak perang terakhir tahun 1973 sangat terlihat serius menopang Israel dari berbagai sisi: di PBB, bantuan finansial dan militer termasuk mengerahkan kapal perangnya di laut Mediterania. Bahkan selama perang yang dimulai Oktober itu saja, AS telah mengajukan dua kali bantuan untuk Israel ke kongres AS (Associated Press, 2023; Lee, 2023). Pendekatan perang total yang dilakukan oleh Israel dalam perang ini mengindikasikan betapa seriusnya ancaman dari HAMAS dan betapa takutnya Israel saat HAMAS menjadi lebih kuat. Terlebih HAMAS hanyalah sebuah kelompok tapi mampu memberikan terapi kejut buat sistem pertahanan Israel bahkan menggemparkan politik domestik Israel.Bagi kepentingan strategis Israel di Timur Tengah, HAMAS dan kapasitasnya jelas adalah sebuah ancaman nyata yang jika tidak diaborsi habis – habisan maka akan menjadi alarm kematian bagi Israel dalam waktu dekat. Jika kita merunut ke politik Timur Tengah beberapa tahun terakhir ini, Israel dan AS terlihat lega setelah melakukan normalisasi dengan beberapa negara Arab: Bahrain, Uni Emirat Arab, Maroko dan Sudan. Potensi normalisasi dengan Arab Saudi juga semakin terbuka. Ini seolah menjadi angin segar bagi Israel bahwa musuh – musuhnya dalam level negara akan semakin berkurang dan peluang untuk meminimalisir musuh – musuh dari kelompok militant dapat ditangkal melalui Kerjasama Arab-Israel (Vakil & Quilliam, 2023). Israel memang sejak awal berdiri tahun 1948 sampai sekarang selalu tidak aman sebab dikelilingi oleh negara-negara musuh termasuk masyarakat yang antipati. Itulah sebabnya entitas zionis ini membangun negaranya dan segala bentuk kebijakan yang bertumpu pada kepentingan keamanan dan eksistensinya (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1969). Wajar jika ada rasa lega dan “menang” pasca normalisasi. Namun, semua impian itu buyar saat HAMAS dan Jihad Islam melakukan serangan di pagi hari. Israel yang terlihat kuat terlihat tak berdaya diinfiltrasi oleh ratusan pasukan pejuang Gaza. Israel tak menyangka, ditengah “euphoria” normalisasi, HAMAS ternyata memperkuat diri dan berhasil mematangkan strategi. Israel kaget, warganya berhamburan meninggalkan negara. Elit politik saling serang dan menyalahkan. Serangan bersejarah Sabtu 7 Oktober memberi pesan pada Israel bahwa perlawanan dan musuh tidak bisa betul-betul dihancurkan. Sehingga respon terhadap para musuh ini wajib perang semesta.Itulah mengapa, Netanyahu (2023), di hari serangan menyatakan kita sedang dalam kondisi perang. “Citizens of Israel, we are at war. Not an operation, not a round [of fighting,] at war! This morning Hamas initiated a murderous surprise attack against the state of Israel and its citizens” (Toi Staff, 2023). Hanya 6 hari pasca serangan Hamas, 6000 bom dengan berat 4000 ton diledakkan di Gaza. Menurut al-Jazeera (2023) bom itu sama jumlahnya dengan bom yang diledakkan AS di Afghanistan selama setahun (Al Jazeera, 2023). Hamas memang layak dianggap ancaman serius oleh Israel dan harus dihapuskan cepat atau lambat. Kelompok ini terbukti mampu memperkuat diri dengan kemampuan persenjataan yang bisa merepotkan Israel; mampu menyiapkan ribuan rudal sampai Tel Aviv, termasuk menembus sistem pertahanan Iron Dome Israel, dan mengacaukan komunikasi militer Israel. Ditambah kemampuan manajerial kelompok ini dalam menggalang bantuan logistik untuk membangun persenjataan, basis militer bawah tanah, dan berbagai pelatihan militer terhadap anak – anak muda Palestina (Nakhoul, 2023). Dalam konteks geopolitik, secara geografis wilayah kekuasaan Israeli sangatlah kecil, hanya 22.000 km persegi dengan lebar tersempitnya berjarak 15 Kilometer dan Sebagian besar tumpuan industri, aktifitas komersial dan sosial negara ini terpusat di daerah pantai sepanjang 100 km (Pinfold, 2023). Selain itu, jarak Gaza ke Tel Aviv saja hanya kisaran 72 km. Sementara HAMAS memiliki kekuatan rudal jarak pendek 8 km sampai mencapai Israel bahkan sampai lebih 200 km jaraknya (Champelli, 2023). Letak geografis yang kecil ini akan membuat Israel dan fasilitas strategisnya rentan serangan.Dalam pandangan Israel, saat Hamas pada perang kali ini mampu menembus Israel baik senjata maupun personilnya, maka jika tidak dimusnahkan secara total sampai ke akarnya, bisa jadi tahun – tahun ke depan HAMAS akan semakin kuat, Ini dapat berarti lonceng kehancuran bagi Israel. Inilah alasan dibalik strategi perang total tanpa henti Israel terhadap Hamas dan Gaza. Daftar Pustaka Al Jazeera. (2023, October 12). Israel says 6,000 bombs dropped on Gaza as war with Hamas nears a week. Al Jazeera. https://www-aljazeera-com.translate.goog/news/2023/10/12/israel-says-6000-bombs-dropped-on-gaza-as-war-with-hamas-nears-a-week